With Article 50 triggered and Brexit negotiations well underway, the UK government looks like it’s carrying out the instructions it received from 17.4 million voters last summer. At best, Britain and the continent will establish a mutually advantageous trade relationship; at worst, the UK and EU will revert to World Trade Organization (WTO) rules, including minor tariffs on the exchange of goods and services. In either case, it seems, the UK will regain control over its finances, its borders, and its laws –all of which are necessary to fulfill the mandate given by voters.
Nevertheless, a growing threat hangs over Brexit Britain.
In hopes of consolidating power, Prime Minister Theresa May called an election in June. Rather than expand her mandate with a comfortable majority in Parliament, May’s Conservatives lost their majority, necessitating the support of Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist MPs to govern.
Dominic Grieve, the Chairman of the Commons Intelligence and Security Committee, argues that the UK must retain membership of the EU’s law enforcement agency (Europol) after Brexit, even if this means “accepting EU rules and judicial oversight for the European Court of Justice (ECJ).” This is not real Brexit and nor will it make us safer, in fact quite the reverse.
A Brexit-driven reconfiguration of the UK’s food and agricultural sector suggests that a period of significant transformation lies ahead; but if mapped successfully, can be a positive one.
Richard Ferguson, 21st June 2017
The possibility of a Brexit-driven reconfiguration of the UK’s food and agricultural sector suggests that a period of significant transformation and structural adjustment lies ahead. Set against an industry already in the midst of rapid technological displacement, value-chain disruption and regulatory change, a transformative event such as Brexit appears to add to existing uncertainty.
However, while the potential institutional, financial and operating frameworks that will arise from Brexit suggest a wide range of possible outcomes, the process, if mapped successfully, can be a positive one. The UK’s current position is not unique. In the 1980s, the government of New Zealand instigated a reform programme to transform the country’s food and agriculture sector, the results of which were immediate and painful as well as long-term and beneficial.
408 of the UK’s 650 constituencies voted leave on 23rd June 2016. That is nearly 2/3 of all Parliamentary constituencies in the UK voting to leave. In 388 constituencies the leave vote exceeded the vote for the sitting MP. This analysis shows which of the MPs that opposed Leave in the referendum are the most vulnerable if they oppose, or seek to water down, Brexit.
The SNP has abandoned ‘True Independence’ and Sturgeon is forcing Scotland to choose between a more powerful Scotland inside a Federal UK, or a less powerful one inside the EU and most likely the Eurozone.
Ireland’s political Establishment is only now realising that Brexit really does mean Brexit and that the case for an accompanying Irexit is overwhelming. Irish opinion is likely to move in this direction over the coming two years and UK policy-makers should encourage that.
Lobby the House of Lords The Bruges Group spearheaded the intellectual battle to win a vote to leave the EU and, above all, against the emergence of a centralised European state.
Take part in the campaign to make sure Brexit is not blocked
Please ask the members of the House of Lords not to oppose, nor water down, Brexit.
Email them to support the EU (Notification of Withdrawal) Bill. Petition the Peers to respect the referendum result and vote the right way.
Ask the Lords to support the withdrawal bill and allow Article 50 to be invoked without any amendments that would breach the will of the people, as expressed in the referendum. The members of the Lords should not seek to place conditions on our exit, nor should they cause delays.
The referendum of 23rd June 2016 must be the final say on this issue, the UK should leave the European Union. This will allow for the mandate set by the referendum to be fulfilled.
The EU should not be led to believe that the UK will settle for anything less than a full exit from the European Union.
The Members of the House of Lords, having approved the referendum, should keep faith with the result. Ask them to pass the Article 50 European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Bill through the House of Lords without opposing it, or seeking to water down Brexit.
We are confident that the UK will thrive outside of the EU.
How leaving the EU and the Single Market can be made to work for Britain
This report explains how:
There is no such thing as a truly ‘Hard Brexit’ – but there are significant obstacles.
A UK-EU trade agreement, focused on tariff reduction and clearing customs, could take just 18 months to complete.
The UK’s bargaining position is stronger than many commentators believe.
This report deals with the top ten issues of withdrawal from the EU. Brexit negotiators can draw on the findings of this new Bruges Group study which sets out a bold vision for Brexit and how exiting the EU, and even the single market and the customs union, can be made to work.
Read brochure: HERE
Any withdrawal agreement must look at these issues and find practical solutions to make sure that goods enter the EU as seamlessly as possible.
Brexit negotiations must aim to prevent the complexities of trade slowing the free flow of goods after Britain leaves the EU. Any withdrawal agreement between the EU and the UK, must look at these complexities and find practical solutions to make sure that trade enters the EU as seamlessly as possible.